Battle of the Manifestos

The BJP’s election manifesto for the 2009 parliamentary elections is a masterly exercise in rooting India’s great power ambitions in its ancient civilisational consciousness, specifically its holistic and spiritual Hindu worldview which accepts and celebrates diversity and seeks the underlying unity within. Laden as it is with political, economic, and social content, the BJP manifesto has something tangible for every strata and segment of society, and fully reflects the erudition of Manifesto Committee chairman Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi.

The Congress manifesto, in contrast, is a dull and insipid document, claiming credit for supposed achievements of five years in power, and failing to project a rousing vision for the future. The party’s real manifesto is unstated, but even less inspirational – behind the façade of Dr. Manmohan Singh is the not-so-secret-PM-in-waiting, Mr. Rahul Gandhi.

BJP has taken polite digs at the UPA’s lack of cohesion, and focused upon deepening public insecurity owing to unending terrorist attacks, growing Maoist insurgency in several parts of the country, the worrying state of the economy with job losses and lock-outs, and rising impoverishment with 55 million pushed below the poverty line in the past five years.

Given its long-held concerns for national security, it was only natural that the BJP would recall some of the worst fidayeen attacks in the past few years and lament the scrapping of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and UPA’s failure to execute Mohammed Afzal Guru, sentenced to death by the Supreme Court for the attack on the Indian Parliament. It makes special mention of separatist violence and ISI activity in Jammu & Kashmir and Assam, states where it hopes to encash public sentiment against the culture of the bomb and the gun. It has promised a crackdown on illegal immigration across the eastern border, and measures to improve intelligence gathering coastal security, modernisation of armed forces and the police, and speedy trials of terrorism cases.

Hence it was only natural that BJP would show agility in addressing the legitimate concerns of the military forces, currently seething with discontent at the shoddy treatment meted out to them by the UPA, which proved unbending even in the face of ex-Servicemen returning gallantry medals to the President. BJP has promised to reexamine pending issues of pay and privileges; set up a separate Pay Commission for the forces; increase the honorarium for gallantry awards and make it tax-free; and above all, to exempt all military and para-military personnel from paying income-tax. This innovative proposal, which honours those laying down their lives daily in defence of the citizenry, has caught Congress on the backfoot and truly enraged the party.

Unhappy with the manner in which Congress frittered away the gains of Pokharan-II, BJP plans to expedite India’s indigenous thorium technology programme and maintain a credible minimum deterrent; and seek cross-party consensus before agreeing to any control regime, including CTBT, FMCR and MTCR. Given the rancour caused by the Indo-US nuclear deal, it proposes a constitutional amendment to make parliamentary ratification mandatory for treaties bearing on strategic interests.

As poverty has risen over the last five years, BJP has taken up food security for all as an integral component of national security. Enlarging upon programmes successful in states ruled by it, BJP plans to extend nationwide a scheme to give 35 kg of rice or wheat every month to BPL families at Rs 2 per kg; improve and expand the Public Distribution System; set up community kitchens in extremely impoverished areas; tackle widespread malnutrition, especially by expanding the mid-day meal scheme; encourage production of cereals and discourage conversion of fertile farm land for dubious industrial projects; and maintain adequate buffer food stocks to avert costly imports.

A promise that has really upset Congress is the pledge of a low tax regime for ordinary households. BJP proposes to exempt income up to Rs 3 lakh per annum from income tax, with an additional ceiling of Rs 50,000/- for women and senior citizens; and this will be a real benefit to taxpayers across the country. Pensions will be tax free.

No doubt to rebuff Mr. Rahul Gandhi’s forays in Modi-land, BJP has promised full support to the Hindustan Diamond Corporation to help the diamond industry tide over the crisis caused by the global slump. Infrastructure will be given a boost, with highways and rural roads getting priority as under Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee; housing loans will be made cheaper; business loans will be eased; and small and medium enterprises promoted.

BJP took interest in agriculture after growing suicides by debt-ridden farmers. Its promise to waive agricultural loans has infuriated Congress, as most of the affected class is in Congress-ruled states. Another sound measure is a ceiling of 4% on bank agricultural loans; pensions for aged and helpless farmers; besides other incentives. Scoring yet again over Congress, BJP has declared it will not allow Genetically Modified seeds to be used without a full study of the long-term effects on soil, production and biological impact on consumers.

Targetting Congress’ unpopular Special Economic Zones, BJP has promised that farm land will not be converted for industrial or commercial use, and farmers will be compensated at market rates for land acquired for infrastructure purposes. Special incentives have been proposed for the employment-generating retail trade. Unlike Congress, BJP has drawn appropriate lessons from public anger against large industry entering the retail sector.

Continuing its catch-all policy, the party has announced schemes for labour and the cooperative sector. Urban India will be revitalized via the state governments, with a specific project of ‘shelter for all’ under which 10 lakh dwelling units for the poor will be constructed annually, and 15 new cities with world class infrastructure built in five years. Peripheries will be developed as ‘rurban’ areas to minimise migration: an issue that has hitherto not figured in the imagination of any political party. There is much for Youth and Women, and special measures for tribals, minorities, and the disabled.

Coming to core Hindutva issues, BJP has reiterated that Jammu & Kashmir shall remain an integral part of the Union, and that the unanimous Parliamentary Resolution of 1994 shall be the cornerstone of all future decisions. Development and the return of Pandits; long pending demands of refugees from Pak-occupied Kashmir; and abrogation of Article 370 find place in the manifesto.

The party commits itself to Small States like Telengana, which has drawn Congress ire; and plans special measures for the north-east, hill and desert states, Union Territories, and island territories. With a long section devoted to Judicial Reforms, Electoral Reforms, Panchayati Raj Institutions, it is difficult to say what has been left out.

In the realm of cultural nationalism, the party has pledged to preserve the Ram Setu; rebuild the Ram Temple at Ayodhya; clean the Ganga; protect the cow and its progeny; and ensure the autonomous administration of Mathams and Mandirs. Encroached waqf properties will be restored to the community. All Indian languages will be promoted and the rich literacy and cultural heritage protected. BJP is also committed to preserving the earth ecology.

The only jarring note in an otherwise perfect document is the talk of promoting Inter-Faith Dialogue with Christians, as such measures in the past have only facilitated the process of conversions by giving the fig-leaf of ‘ethical’ conversions to an activity that is intrinsically a-dharmic. The Inter-Faith Dialogue on Conversions organised at the Vatican in May 2006 by the Pontifical Council for Inter-Faith Dialogue and the World Council of Churches, Geneva, has many reprehensible clauses which have not been made known to the Hindus of India, and BJP would do well to reconsider walking into this trap.

The party’s desire to have friendly with all the major land powers in its neighbourhood, and also its immediate neighbours, is a step in the right direction. The undue emphasis on a faux strategic partnership with America needs to be mitigated and traditional ties with Russia and the Central Asian Republics restored. Besides the European Union, India needs a friendly West Asia and South-East Asia, and a working relationship with China. While one can only look at internal developments in Pakistan with dismay, India needs to undo the mistakes made with Nepal, and maintain ties with Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan.

In stark contrast to such a comprehensive document, the Congress manifesto repeats adherence to the tired clichés of secularism, nationalism, social justice, and economic growth for all, especially for the aam admi. It ignores the fact that UPA rule created an extra 55 million poor in the country, but promises to be a bulwark against communalism, linguistic chauvinism, regional casteism.

The Congress manifesto directly lambasts the BJP and the Third Front, particularly the Left Parties who are its prime movers. It blames the Left Parties for the electoral growth of the BJP. Overall, it dwells on achievements like RTI and NREGA, and has not been worked upon by the thoroughness with which the BJP worked on its manifesto.

7 April 2009, Sadhna Weekly, Ahmadabad

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