Congress president Sonia Gandhi cannot feign distance from the jaw-dropping affluence of her son-in-law and his association with a real estate major. Right from its first term, the UPA under her auspices made acquisition and grant of huge land banks to corporates the signature tune of its developmental mantra. Since then, land has embroiled the Congress in so many scandals that the Union Cabinet has found itself unable to clear the pending land acquisition bill.
Sonia Gandhi’s commitment to Special Economic Zones became evident in August 2006 when Congress issued a show-cause notice to Hissar MP Kuldeep Bishnoi for opposing the Reliance SEZ in Gurgaon, Haryana. Refusing to be silenced despite signals from the ‘high command’, Bishnoi opposed gifts of land banks to corporates at throwaway prices at the expense of small farmers and in excess of the actual need for industry (eg. steel mill). With admirable prescience, he pointed out that corporates had already cornered exemptions from almost every tax while usurping natural resources; a finance ministry internal assessment estimated a loss of Rs 90,000 crore in direct and indirect taxes in just four years due to exemptions given to SEZs.
The opposition cost his father, veteran leader Bhajan Lal, his post as PCC chief and Bishnoi was expelled from the party. He vindicated the family honour by winning the Hissar by-election in October 2011, just months after the death of Bhajan Lal.
In 2011, Gurgaon villagers went to court to challenge the allotment of 5 acres of land to the Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust for 33 years and allotment of 4500 sq. yards to another trust run by the Gandhi family, but the matter was sorted out. The RGCT is run by Sonia Gandhi, her son Rahul Gandhi, and daughter Priyanka Gandhi.
Now, senior IAS officer Ashok Khemka has questioned Haryana’s land acquisition and land release policy under which poor farmers are deprived of their land and livelihood while the political bureaucratic nexus flourishes. As special collector (HQ) and special land acquisition officer (LAO), Khemka found that panchayat lands worth hundreds of crores were deliberately undervalued and given to real estate firms, particularly near highways. Khemka is currently fighting against official persecution and demotion.
This is the political backdrop in which we must view Mr. Robert Vadra’s fabulous land-harvesting. UPA-I viewed land as a cow to be owned by whoever wielded the big stick. The tendency escalated across Congress-ruled states in UPA-II as the regime became increasingly unpopular and doubts rose over its longevity.
According to information in the public arena, it seems obvious that Robert Vadra could not have acted alone and without any backing. If only because his gains are too phenomenal, his sources of income non-existent, and because every beneficiary of land harvesting under the UPA has enjoyed political patronage. A ‘private citizen’ freed from the legal obligation of being frisked at airports can readily avail of other advantages also.
After activist Arvind Kejriwal and lawyer Prashant Bhushan unveiled allegations of disproportionate asset accumulation by Vadra, a news magazine discovered that he owns huge tracts of land in Bikaner, Rajasthan, a Congress-ruled state, purchased between 2007 and 2010 in the name of Real Earth Estate Pvt Ltd. There is a plot of land in Gajner, and five pieces of land in Kolayat tehsil (95.29 acres for Rs 91.50 lakh, and 4.61 acres for Rs 8.50 lakh). Reports say Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot visited the area soon after the deal as local farmers complained they were compelled to sell their land at lower rates.
Vadra has also purchased land at Manesar near Delhi for Rs. 15.38 crore; land at Palwal for Rs. 42 lakh, land at Hayyatpur in Gurgaon for roughly Rs. 4 crore; land at Hasanpur for Rs. 76.07 lakh; land at Mewat for Rs. 95.42 lakh; unidentified agricultural land for Rs. 69.09 lakh; and two ‘other real estate bookings’ worth Rs. 9 lakh.
Then there are three business deals with DLF for Rs 446 crore, between 2009-10 and 2011-12. The firms report for March 2012 claims ‘it was yet to receive Rs 132 crore of the total Rs 311-crore proceeds from the two sale transactions.’ Whatever the defenders of the Congress may say, the public has a right to know how these purchases have been financed. Vadra lives in subsidized government housing because of his family connections, benefits from security from taxpayer money, and floats around in high society doing no clear, identifiable business.
The above mentioned deals have come to light after the Oct. 5, 2012 expose by Arvind Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan. The duo claims that in just four years Vadra has purchased at least 31 properties in and around Delhi, worth at least Rs 300 crores. DLF gave him an unsecured loan of Rs. 65 crore, but is that adequate to explain all the purchases? Vadra registered 6 new companies in 2012, so more purchases may come to light soon.
It seems obvious that there must be some quid pro quo. Reports say that after DLF received land for its housing projects, the Haryana Government increased the limits on permissible area to be constructed upon, giving it an advantage of at least Rs. 1000 crore.
RTI activist Nutan Thakur has alleged in a petition to the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court that offences appear to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act as well as under the Income Tax Act. These merit a CBI inquiry without delay.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is aware that despite his thumping majority in the Lok Sabha, Rajiv Gandhi could not stave off an enquiry into the Bofors payoff scandal, however farcical it turned out to be. He can redeem his place in history by ordering an honest probe into Vadra-gate.
NitiCentral.com, 15 October 2012
http://www.niticentral.com/2012/10/upa-must-investigate-vadra-to-save-itself.html